What Did Politics Do in the Face of Hate? [Hong Sung-soo Column]
Translated from Korean, summarized and contextualized by DistantNews.
At a glance
- A month after a high school baseball team's controversial 5.18 Gwangju Uprising mockery, disciplinary actions have been reduced, sparking criticism over the handling of the incident.
- The article questions the political response, highlighting how politicians involved in similar historical distortions faced minimal consequences, unlike the students.
- It argues that society, including politicians, has repeatedly failed to establish institutional measures against hate and discrimination, despite recurring incidents.
A month has passed since the incident where the Baejae High School baseball team mocked the 5.18 Gwangju Uprising, yet the disciplinary action against the students has been reduced from six months to one month. This reduction, following an initial outcry of intense anger, has led to questions about the adequacy of the response. The article points out that the focus on 'discipline' alone missed the core issue, with the Korea Baseball Softball Association's disciplinary committee citing 'game interference' as the reason for the penalty, a justification that fails to address the essence of the students' actions.
The author contrasts the students' punishment with the leniency shown to politicians who have made similar remarks distorting the 5.18 Uprising. For instance, former Liberty Korea Party lawmakers Lee Jong-myung and Kim Soon-rye, who held a public hearing where the 5.18 Uprising was called a "riot," faced minimal repercussions. Lee was initially recommended for expulsion but retained his party position for a year, while Kim received a three-month party membership suspension. Kim Jin-tae, who gave a congratulatory speech at the time, received a warning and later became a provincial governor. Despite the passage of a law in 2020 to penalize 5.18 distortion, no lawmakers have been punished, and no parliamentary disciplinary actions have been taken.
This pattern of political impunity is further exemplified by Lee Jin-sook, a People Power Party lawmaker, who sent a congratulatory wreath to Baejae High School students, yet faced no action. The only individual who faced consequences was Lee Byung-tae, vice chairman of the Regulatory Reform Committee, who resigned after questioning if "5.18 is a sacred cow." The article argues that when politicians face no real accountability for their words, it becomes difficult to justify severe penalties for students based on 'game interference.'
The piece emphasizes the need to address the root causes of hate and discrimination and to reform disciplinary regulations. It calls for comprehensive measures from educational bodies, sports associations, and political circles to provide legal and administrative support. However, public attention has waned, with the opposition party downplaying the incident and the ruling party engrossed in internal conflicts. This pattern of fleeting public outrage followed by inaction on hate speech and discrimination is a recurring theme in South Korean society, from the 'Ilbe' incident in 2013 to the 'mukbang' protests targeting families of Sewol ferry victims. Despite presidential directives to address issues like anti-China sentiment, concrete actions remain absent.
The article concludes that while media and education have made efforts to address hate speech, the lack of legal frameworks and political support has left frontline educators fighting a lonely battle. Blaming the media or education system is deemed irresponsible. The author stresses that the current situation, where brief public anger quickly dissipates, leaves the nation legally and institutionally defenseless against hate and discrimination. It is time for the political sphere to respond to this societal demand.
Is 5.18 a sacred cow?
Originally published by Hankyoreh in Korean. Translated, summarized, and contextualized by our editorial team with added local perspective. Read our editorial standards.