The Dinosaur Was Always There

The University of San Carlos of Guatemala (Usac), once envisioned as a bastion of critical thought and public ethics, has devolved into a space dominated by vested interests. This decline is not a recent phenomenon but a slow, insidious rot that has festered for decades. It is a problem exacerbated by a societal inclination to point fingers elsewhere—at politicians, bureaucrats, or ideological adversaries—while conveniently sidestepping personal accountability. This culture of evasion has created a fertile ground for impunity, where a lack of self-criticism normalizes the unacceptable, and indignation becomes selective and fleeting.

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The University of San Carlos of Guatemala (Usac), which should be the beacon of critical thinking and public ethics, has consolidated, in practice, as a space captured by interests.

Many self-proclaimed 'revolutionaries' are uncomfortable acknowledging the reality of state monopolies within an 'educational' institution they champion. They cling to narratives rather than confront evidence, as doing so would require dismantling years of ideological complacency. Usac's constitutional status as Guatemala's sole public higher education institution grants it significant, and globally anomalous, political influence without adequate checks and balances. For decades, it has been artificially sustained as a resource for power and pressure by certain groups. Now, as the left gains political ground and seeks further radicalization, Usac's problematic practices, once tolerated or concealed, become inconvenient because they no longer serve their intended purpose and begin to affect those who previously remained silent.

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In this egocentric breeding ground, we move daily, albeit with selective indignation, because we forget quickly and justify easily.

The historical record speaks volumes about the rot within Usac. Names of former rectors like Eduardo Meyer, Murphy Paiz, Jafeth Cabrera, Estuardo Gálvez, and Walter Ramiro Mazariegos are associated with corruption, questionable appointments, and fraudulent elections. Institutional memory is selectively convenient, downplaying episodes such as the illegal appointment of Gloria Porras, the dubious acceptance of Baldizón's theses, or 'initiation rites' that have continuously undermined minimum standards. What remains difficult to grasp is that the system is not broken; rather, it functions precisely as designed by those who benefit from its perversion. The normalization of irregularity has led to widespread indifference, a dangerous state where the unacceptable becomes the status quo.

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The irregular has been normalized to the point of indifference, and what is still difficult to understand and seems not to be accepted is that the system is not broken; on the contrary, it has been designed.